by | ARTICLES, ECONOMY, POLITICS
This past week, the Washington Post provided a sliver of clarity when
Glen Kessler, “The Fact Checker” , exposed Obama’s dubious tax cut claims. While he should be commended for issuing four pinocchios for Obama’s untruths, he completely missed the biggest lie of them all. What Obama (and Mr. Kessler) call tax cuts are not. As a lifelong CPA, I can assure you that tax cuts are a specific term, meaning cuts to the marginal tax rate. The package that Obama passed after he took office contained virtually none of those.
When the government gives out money, it is spending. Tax credits are government expenditures run through the tax system; your income collected is then given back to people on their taxes who meet a criteria. Simply having the IRS write the check (instead of a department such as Health and Human Services), allows the government to classify it a cut instead of spending. The “Making Work Pay Credit” cited in Kessler’s piece is a perfect example of what is not a tax cut – this is a government handout. Others include Cash for Clunkers , Energy Credits, and First Time Home Buyer Credits. Instead of doing the honorable thing and using the Treasury to send the money to each eligible taxpayer, the administration instead ran the disbursements through the IRS so they could claim a “tax cut”. This same type of deceit put Enron executives behind bars. Clearly there was nothing resembling a marginal rate tax cut that would be valuable to the economy .
This new jobs bill (that we haven’t seen yet) contains more of the same
tax cuts deceptive language,
fuzzy math, and worthless programs. Mr. Kessler’s assessment of Obama’s nonsense was a welcome contribution to economic debate, but the confusing rhetoric weakened his argument. The biggest whopper — Obama’s claim of tax cuts that aren’t– deserved a fifth Pinocchio.
by | ARTICLES, GOVERNMENT, TAXES
To coincide with Obama’s jobs re-election speech this evening, Americans for Tax Reform has done a nice job putting together a list of Obama’s tax hikes since he took office. ATR usually has a good amount of information regarding taxes on their site. I have reproduced the list in its entirety, because it is chock-full of good information.
Comprehensive List of Obama Tax Hikes
Which one of these tax hikes will destroy the most jobs?
(Get your Obama Big Speech Bingo cards here)
Since taking office, President Barack Obama has signed into law twenty-one new or higher taxes:
1. A 156 percent increase in the federal excise tax on tobacco: On February 4, 2009, just sixteen days into his Administration, Obama signed into law a 156 percent increase in the federal excise tax on tobacco, a hike of 61 cents per pack. The median income of smokers is just over $36,000 per year.
2. Obamacare Individual Mandate Excise Tax (takes effect in Jan 2014): Starting in 2014, anyone not buying “qualifying” health insurance must pay an income surtax according to the higher of the following
|
1 Adult |
2 Adults |
3+ Adults |
| 2014 |
1% AGI/$95 |
1% AGI/$190 |
1% AGI/$285 |
| 2015 |
2% AGI/$325 |
2% AGI/$650 |
2% AGI/$975 |
| 2016 + |
2.5% AGI/$695 |
2.5% AGI/$1390 |
2.5% AGI/$2085 |
Exemptions for religious objectors, undocumented immigrants, prisoners, those earning less than the poverty line, members of Indian tribes, and hardship cases (determined by HHS). Bill: PPACA; Page: 317-337
3. Obamacare Employer Mandate Tax (takes effect Jan. 2014): If an employer does not offer health coverage, and at least one employee qualifies for a health tax credit, the employer must pay an additional non-deductible tax of $2000 for all full-time employees. Applies to all employers with 50 or more employees. If any employee actually receives coverage through the exchange, the penalty on the employer for that employee rises to $3000. If the employer requires a waiting period to enroll in coverage of 30-60 days, there is a $400 tax per employee ($600 if the period is 60 days or longer). Bill: PPACA; Page: 345-346
Combined score of individual and employer mandate tax penalty: $65 billion/10 years
4. Obamacare Surtax on Investment Income (Tax hike of $123 billion/takes effect Jan. 2013): Creation of a new, 3.8 percent surtax on investment income earned in households making at least $250,000 ($200,000 single). This would result in the following top tax rates on investment income: Bill: Reconciliation Act; Page: 87-93
|
Capital Gains |
Dividends |
Other* |
| 2011-2012 |
15% |
15% |
35% |
| 2013+ (current law) |
23.8% |
43.4% |
43.4% |
| 2013+ (Obama budget) |
23.8% |
23.8% |
43.4% |
*Other unearned income includes (for surtax purposes) gross income from interest, annuities, royalties, net rents, and passive income in partnerships and Subchapter-S corporations. It does not include municipal bond interest or life insurance proceeds, since those do not add to gross income. It does not include active trade or business income, fair market value sales of ownership in pass-through entities, or distributions from retirement plans. The 3.8% surtax does not apply to non-resident aliens.
5. Obamacare Excise Tax on Comprehensive Health Insurance Plans (Tax hike of $32 bil/takes effect Jan. 2018): Starting in 2018, new 40 percent excise tax on “Cadillac” health insurance plans ($10,200 single/$27,500 family). Higher threshold ($11,500 single/$29,450 family) for early retirees and high-risk professions. CPI +1 percentage point indexed. Bill: PPACA; Page: 1,941-1,956
6. Obamacare Hike in Medicare Payroll Tax (Tax hike of $86.8 bil/takes effect Jan. 2013): Current law and changes:
|
First $200,000
($250,000 Married)
Employer/Employee |
All Remaining Wages
Employer/Employee |
| Current Law |
1.45%/1.45%
2.9% self-employed |
1.45%/1.45%
2.9% self-employed |
| Obamacare Tax Hike |
1.45%/1.45%
2.9% self-employed |
1.45%/2.35%
3.8% self-employed |
Bill: PPACA, Reconciliation Act; Page: 2000-2003; 87-93
7. Obamacare Medicine Cabinet Tax (Tax hike of $5 bil/took effect Jan. 2011): Americans no longer able to use health savings account (HSA), flexible spending account (FSA), or health reimbursement (HRA) pre-tax dollars to purchase non-prescription, over-the-counter medicines (except insulin). Bill: PPACA; Page: 1,957-1,959
8. Obamacare HSA Withdrawal Tax Hike (Tax hike of $1.4 bil/took effect Jan. 2011): Increases additional tax on non-medical early withdrawals from an HSA from 10 to 20 percent, disadvantaging them relative to IRAs and other tax-advantaged accounts, which remain at 10 percent. Bill: PPACA; Page: 1,959
9. Obamacare Flexible Spending Account Cap – aka “Special Needs Kids Tax” (Tax hike of $13 bil/takes effect Jan. 2013): Imposes cap on FSAs of $2500 (now unlimited). Indexed to inflation after 2013. There is one group of FSA owners for whom this new cap will be particularly cruel and onerous: parents of special needs children. There are thousands of families with special needs children in the United States, and many of them use FSAs to pay for special needs education. Tuition rates at one leading school that teaches special needs children in Washington, D.C. (National Child Research Center) can easily exceed $14,000 per year. Under tax rules, FSA dollars can be used to pay for this type of special needs education. Bill: PPACA; Page: 2,388-2,389
10. Obamacare Tax on Medical Device Manufacturers (Tax hike of $20 bil/takes effect Jan. 2013): Medical device manufacturers employ 360,000 people in 6000 plants across the country. This law imposes a new 2.3% excise tax. Exempts items retailing for <$100. Bill: PPACA; Page: 1,980-1,986
11. Obamacare “Haircut” for Medical Itemized Deduction from 7.5% to 10% of AGI (Tax hike of $15.2 bil/takes effect Jan. 2013): Currently, those facing high medical expenses are allowed a deduction for medical expenses to the extent that those expenses exceed 7.5 percent of adjusted gross income (AGI). The new provision imposes a threshold of 10 percent of AGI. Waived for 65+ taxpayers in 2013-2016 only. Bill: PPACA; Page: 1,994-1,995
12. Obamacare Tax on Indoor Tanning Services (Tax hike of $2.7 billion/took effect July 2010): New 10 percent excise tax on Americans using indoor tanning salons. Bill: PPACA; Page: 2,397-2,399
13. Obamacare elimination of tax deduction for employer-provided retirement Rx drug coverage in coordination with Medicare Part D (Tax hike of $4.5 bil/takes effect Jan. 2013) Bill: PPACA; Page: 1,994
14. Obamacare Blue Cross/Blue Shield Tax Hike (Tax hike of $0.4 bil/took effect Jan. 1 2010): The special tax deduction in current law for Blue Cross/Blue Shield companies would only be allowed if 85 percent or more of premium revenues are spent on clinical services. Bill: PPACA; Page: 2,004
15. Obamacare Excise Tax on Charitable Hospitals (Min$/took effect immediately): $50,000 per hospital if they fail to meet new “community health assessment needs,” “financial assistance,” and “billing and collection” rules set by HHS. Bill: PPACA; Page: 1,961-1,971
16. Obamacare Tax on Innovator Drug Companies (Tax hike of $22.2 bil/took effect Jan. 2010): $2.3 billion annual tax on the industry imposed relative to share of sales made that year. Bill: PPACA; Page: 1,971-1,980
17. Obamacare Tax on Health Insurers (Tax hike of $60.1 bil/takes effect Jan. 2014): Annual tax on the industry imposed relative to health insurance premiums collected that year. Phases in gradually until 2018. Fully-imposed on firms with $50 million in profits. Bill: PPACA; Page: 1,986-1,993
18. Obamacare $500,000 Annual Executive Compensation Limit for Health Insurance Executives (Tax hike of $0.6 bil/takes effect Jan 2013). Bill: PPACA; Page: 1,995-2,000
19. Obamacare Employer Reporting of Insurance on W-2 ($min/takes effect Jan. 2012): Preamble to taxing health benefits on individual tax returns. Bill: PPACA; Page: 1,957
20. Obamacare “Black liquor” tax hike (Tax hike of $23.6 billion/took effect immediately). This is a tax increase on a type of bio-fuel. Bill: Reconciliation Act; Page: 105
21. Obamacare Codification of the “economic substance doctrine” (Tax hike of $4.5 billion/took effect immediately). This provision allows the IRS to disallow completely-legal tax deductions and other legal tax-minimizing plans just because the IRS deems that the action lacks “substance” and is merely intended to reduce taxes owed. Bill: Reconciliation Act; Page: 108-113
Read more: http://www.atr.org/comprehensive-list-obama-tax-hikes-a6433#ixzz1XPYALCG1
by | ARTICLES, BUSINESS, ECONOMY, GOVERNMENT, TAXES
In an Op-Ed to the Washington Times last week (Stop Exporting American Jobs 8/23/11) Rep. Duncan Hunter assiduously notes that very little is being said about jobs moving overseas but he fails to point out the obvious reason why: our government policies are the driving force behind the mass exodus of businesses abroad. A staggering increase in regulations coupled with the the highest corporate tax rate among industrial nations form the foundation of a very anti-business climate in our current administration.
Hunter goes on to suggest that companies are being offered incentives to move overseas, but the reality is that as the government continues to meddle in business affairs, it creates more disincentives to stay here. High taxes, legislation such as Dodd-Frank, and entities such as the EPA, SEC and the NLRB contribute to the rising cost of doing business here. For many companies, moving abroad is a matter of corporate survival.
Mr. Hunter calls for putting American workers first instead of sending them away. For those legislators who insist that government is the solution – instead of recognizing that it is the problem – maybe it is time to send them away. If Congress, of which Hunter is an elected member, did its job putting American workers first by sticking to the Constitution and staying out of the free-market, perhaps our businesses would once again have the liberty to grow and thrive in our great nation.
by | ARTICLES
My good friend Larry Reed over at the Foundation for Economic Education (FEE) has an old speech that is a “must read” for anyone who cares about a free economy. Below, I list his seven principles, but I urge you to follow the link at the end and read the piece in its entirety. These are good common-sense gems, but Larry elucidates them wonderfully.
1. Free people are not equal and equal people are not free
2. What belongs to you, you tend to take care of; what belongs to no one or everyone tends to fall into disrepair
3. Sound policy requires that we consider long-run effects and all people, not simply short-run effects and a few people.
4. If you encourage something you get more of it; if you discourage something, you get less of it.
5. Nobody spends somebody else’s money as carefully as he spends his own.
6. Government has nothing to give anybody except what it first takes from somebody, and a government that’s big enough to give you everything you want is big enough to take away everything you’ve got.
7. Liberty makes all the difference in the world
http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=457170491224
by | ARTICLES, ECONOMY, POLITICS, TAXES
The S&P has downgraded our rating to AA+. Here is their press release, reprinted below in its entirety.
TORONTO (Standard & Poor’s) Aug. 5, 2011–Standard & Poor’s Ratings Services said today that it lowered its long-term sovereign credit rating on the United States of America to ‘AA+’ from ‘AAA’. Standard & Poor’s also said that the outlook on the long-term rating is negative. At the same time, Standard & Poor’s affirmed its ‘A-1+’ short-term rating on the U.S. In addition, Standard & Poor’s removed both ratings from CreditWatch, where they were placed on July 14, 2011, with negative implications.
The transfer and convertibility (T&C) assessment of the U.S.–our assessment of the likelihood of official interference in the ability of U.S.-based public- and private-sector issuers to secure foreign exchange for debt service–remains ‘AAA’.
We lowered our long-term rating on the U.S. because we believe that the prolonged controversy over raising the statutory debt ceiling and the related fiscal policy debate indicate that further near-term progress containing the growth in public spending, especially on entitlements, or on reaching an agreement on raising revenues is less likely than we previously assumed and will remain a contentious and fitful process. We also believe that the fiscal consolidation plan that Congress and the Administration agreed to this week falls short of the amount that we believe is necessary to stabilize the general government debt burden by the middle of the decade.
Our lowering of the rating was prompted by our view on the rising public debt burden and our perception of greater policymaking uncertainty, consistent with our criteria (see “Sovereign Government Rating Methodology and Assumptions,” June 30, 2011, especially Paragraphs 36-41). Nevertheless, we view the U.S. federal government’s other economic, external, and monetary credit attributes, which form the basis for the sovereign rating, as broadly unchanged.
We have taken the ratings off CreditWatch because the Aug. 2 passage of the Budget Control Act Amendment of 2011 has removed any perceived immediate threat of payment default posed by delays to raising the government’s debt ceiling. In addition, we believe that the act provides sufficient clarity to allow us to evaluate the likely course of U.S. fiscal policy for the next few years.
The political brinksmanship of recent months highlights what we see as America’s governance and policymaking becoming less stable, less effective, and less predictable than what we previously believed. The statutory debt ceiling and the threat of default have become political bargaining chips in the debate over fiscal policy. Despite this year’s wide-ranging debate, in our view, the differences between political parties have proven to be extraordinarily difficult to bridge, and, as we see it, the resulting agreement fell well short of the comprehensive fiscal consolidation program that some proponents had envisaged until quite recently. Republicans and Democrats have only been able to agree to relatively modest savings on discretionary spending while delegating to the Select Committee decisions on more comprehensive measures. It appears that for now, new revenues have dropped down on the menu of policy options. In addition, the plan envisions only minor policy changes on Medicare and little change in other entitlements, the containment of which we and most other independent observers regard as key to long-term fiscal sustainability.
Our opinion is that elected officials remain wary of tackling the structural issues required to effectively address the rising U.S. public debt burden in a manner consistent with a ‘AAA’ rating and with ‘AAA’ rated sovereign peers (see Sovereign Government Rating Methodology and Assumptions,” June 30, 2011, especially Paragraphs 36-41). In our view, the difficulty in framing a consensus on fiscal policy weakens the government’s ability to manage public finances and diverts attention from the debate over how to achieve more balanced and dynamic economic growth in an era of fiscal stringency and private-sector deleveraging (ibid). A new political consensus might (or might not) emerge after the 2012 elections, but we believe that by then, the government debt burden will likely be higher, the needed medium-term fiscal adjustment potentially greater, and the inflection point on the U.S. population’s demographics and other age-related spending drivers closer at hand (see “Global Aging 2011: In The U.S., Going Gray Will Likely Cost Even More Green, Now,” June 21, 2011).
Standard & Poor’s takes no position on the mix of spending and revenue measures that Congress and the Administration might conclude is appropriate for putting the U.S.’s finances on a sustainable footing.
The act calls for as much as $2.4 trillion of reductions in expenditure growth over the 10 years through 2021. These cuts will be implemented in two steps: the $917 billion agreed to initially, followed by an additional $1.5 trillion that the newly formed Congressional Joint Select Committee on Deficit Reduction is supposed to recommend by November 2011. The act contains no measures to raise taxes or otherwise enhance revenues, though the committee could recommend them.
The act further provides that if Congress does not enact the committee’s recommendations, cuts of $1.2 trillion will be implemented over the same time period. The reductions would mainly affect outlays for civilian discretionary spending, defense, and Medicare. We understand that this fall-back mechanism is designed to encourage Congress to embrace a more balanced mix of expenditure savings, as the committee might recommend.
We note that in a letter to Congress on Aug. 1, 2011, the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) estimated total budgetary savings under the act to be at least $2.1 trillion over the next 10 years relative to its baseline assumptions. In updating our own fiscal projections, with certain modifications outlined below, we have relied on the CBO’s latest “Alternate Fiscal Scenario” of June 2011, updated to include the CBO assumptions contained in its Aug. 1 letter to Congress. In general, the CBO’s “Alternate Fiscal Scenario” assumes a continuation of recent Congressional action overriding existing law.
We view the act’s measures as a step toward fiscal consolidation. However, this is within the framework of a legislative mechanism that leaves open the details of what is finally agreed to until the end of 2011, and Congress and the Administration could modify any agreement in the future. Even assuming that at least $2.1 trillion of the spending reductions the act envisages are implemented, we maintain our view that the U.S. net general government debt burden (all levels of government combined, excluding liquid financial assets) will likely continue to grow. Under our revised base case fiscal scenario–which we consider to be consistent with a ‘AA+’ long-term rating and a negative outlook–we now project that net general government debt would rise from an estimated 74% of GDP by the end of 2011 to 79% in 2015 and 85% by 2021. Even the projected 2015 ratio of sovereign indebtedness is high in relation to those of peer credits and, as noted, would continue to rise under the act’s revised policy settings.
Compared with previous projections, our revised base case scenario now assumes that the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts, due to expire by the end of 2012, remain in place. We have changed our assumption on this because the majority of Republicans in Congress continue to resist any measure that would raise revenues, a position we believe Congress reinforced by passing the act. Key macroeconomic assumptions in the base case scenario include trend real GDP growth of 3% and consumer price inflation near 2% annually over the decade.
Our revised upside scenario–which, other things being equal, we view as consistent with the outlook on the ‘AA+’ long-term rating being revised to stable–retains these same macroeconomic assumptions. In addition, it incorporates $950 billion of new revenues on the assumption that the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts for high earners lapse from 2013 onwards, as the Administration is advocating. In this scenario, we project that the net general government debt would rise from an estimated 74% of GDP by the end of 2011 to 77% in 2015 and to 78% by 2021.
Our revised downside scenario–which, other things being equal, we view as being consistent with a possible further downgrade to a ‘AA’ long-term rating–features less-favorable macroeconomic assumptions, as outlined below and also assumes that the second round of spending cuts (at least $1.2 trillion) that the act calls for does not occur. This scenario also assumes somewhat higher nominal interest rates for U.S. Treasuries. We still believe that the role of the U.S. dollar as the key reserve currency confers a government funding advantage, one that could change only slowly over time, and that Fed policy might lean toward continued loose monetary policy at a time of fiscal tightening. Nonetheless, it is possible that interest rates could rise if investors re-price relative risks. As a result, our alternate scenario factors in a 50 basis point (bp)-75 bp rise in 10-year bond yields relative to the base and upside cases from 2013 onwards. In this scenario, we project the net public debt burden would rise from 74% of GDP in 2011 to 90% in 2015 and to 101% by 2021.
Our revised scenarios also take into account the significant negative revisions to historical GDP data that the Bureau of Economic Analysis announced on July 29. From our perspective, the effect of these revisions underscores two related points when evaluating the likely debt trajectory of the U.S. government. First, the revisions show that the recent recession was deeper than previously assumed, so the GDP this year is lower than previously thought in both nominal and real terms. Consequently, the debt burden is slightly higher. Second, the revised data highlight the sub-par path of the current economic recovery when compared with rebounds following previous post-war recessions. We believe the sluggish pace of the current economic recovery could be consistent with the experiences of countries that have had financial crises in which the slow process of debt deleveraging in the private sector leads to a persistent drag on demand. As a result, our downside case scenario assumes relatively modest real trend GDP growth of 2.5% and inflation of near 1.5% annually going forward.
When comparing the U.S. to sovereigns with ‘AAA’ long-term ratings that we view as relevant peers–Canada, France, Germany, and the U.K.–we also observe, based on our base case scenarios for each, that the trajectory of the U.S.’s net public debt is diverging from the others. Including the U.S., we estimate that these five sovereigns will have net general government debt to GDP ratios this year ranging from 34% (Canada) to 80% (the U.K.), with the U.S. debt burden at 74%. By 2015, we project that their net public debt to GDP ratios will range between 30% (lowest, Canada) and 83% (highest, France), with the U.S. debt burden at 79%. However, in contrast with the U.S., we project that the net public debt burdens of these other sovereigns will begin to decline, either before or by 2015.
Standard & Poor’s transfer T&C assessment of the U.S. remains ‘AAA’. Our T&C assessment reflects our view of the likelihood of the sovereign restricting other public and private issuers’ access to foreign exchange needed to meet debt service. Although in our view the credit standing of the U.S. government has deteriorated modestly, we see little indication that official interference of this kind is entering onto the policy agenda of either Congress or the Administration. Consequently, we continue to view this risk as being highly remote.
The outlook on the long-term rating is negative. As our downside alternate fiscal scenario illustrates, a higher public debt trajectory than we currently assume could lead us to lower the long-term rating again. On the other hand, as our upside scenario highlights, if the recommendations of the Congressional Joint Select Committee on Deficit Reduction–independently or coupled with other initiatives, such as the lapsing of the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts for high earners–lead to fiscal consolidation measures beyond the minimum mandated, and we believe they are likely to slow the deterioration of the government’s debt dynamics, the long-term rating could stabilize at ‘AA+’.
On Monday, we will issue separate releases concerning affected ratings in the funds, government-related entities, financial institutions, insurance, public finance, and structured finance sectors.
by | ARTICLES, ECONOMY, GOVERNMENT, TAXES
Charles Krauthammer has an interesting strategy for debt negotiations — short term solution now to avoid default, which will give a both sides a little extra time to formulate a long-term plan. The intriguing thing to me about this approach is that it forces Obama to make hard decisions during his campaign season. Would Obama stand and do what is right for the budget and economy regarding entitlement reform and tax increases, or will Obama push any major reform initiatives to the Republicans — and then swoop in to protect certain important voting blocs from any proposed big bad cuts? Would such a strategy hurt or help Obama when most of the country wants to reduce the size and scope of government. Read Krauthammer’s essay about Obama’s failure to make any substantive changes thus far and what this could mean for both sides in 2012.
by | ARTICLES, ECONOMY, OBAMACARE, POLITICS, TAXES
The WSJ had a fantastic piece today, reminding us of the new taxes yet to come, signed into law under Obama. And he wants MORE tax increases as part of this deficit negotiation?
Go read the full synopsis right now. Some of the additional taxes are listed below
• Starting in 2013, the bill adds an additional 0.9% to the 2.9% Medicare tax for singles who earn more than $200,000 and couples making more than $250,000.
• For first time, the bill also applies Medicare’s 2.9% payroll tax rate to investment income, including dividends, interest income and capital gains. Added to the 0.9% payroll surcharge, that means a 3.8-percentage point tax hike on “the rich.” Oh, and these new taxes aren’t indexed for inflation, so many middle-class families will soon be considered rich and pay the surcharge as their incomes rise past $250,000 due to tax-bracket creep. Remember how the Alternative Minimum Tax was supposed to apply only to a handful of millionaires?
Taxpayer cost over 10 years: $210 billion.
• Also starting in 2013 is a 2.3% excise tax on medical device manufacturers and importers. That’s estimated to raise $20 billion.
• Already underway this year is the new annual fee on “branded” drug makers and importers, which will raise $27 billion.
• Another $15.2 billion will come from raising the floor on allowable medical deductions to 10% of adjusted gross income from 7.5%.
• Starting in 2018, the bill imposes a whopping 40% “excise tax” on high-cost health insurance plans. Though it only applies to two years in the 2010-2019 window of ObamaCare’s original budget score, this tax would still raise $32 billion—and much more in future years.
• And don’t forget a new annual fee on health insurance providers starting in 2014 and estimated to raise $60 billion. This tax, like many others on this list, will be passed along to consumers in higher health-care costs.
by | ARTICLES, ECONOMY, GOVERNMENT, TAXES

Over at the Weekly Standard, Stephen Hayes gives a cogent summary of Obama’s flip-flopping on raising taxes during a recession. When pushing for his stimulus package in 2009 and again on his bipartisan relief effort in December 2010, Obama stated that raising taxes would be difficult on the economy and small businesses.
Now when he’s running for president, to heck with the economy. Taxing the wealthy is popular and necessary in order to avoiding entitlement spending cuts — as a means to gain leverage with voters and his own party. Clearly, as POTUS Obama’s going to say and do what’s best for Obama, not America, first.
Do yourself a favor and read Hayes post in its entirety.
by | ARTICLES, BUSINESS, NEW YORK
How come this bank gets propped up, but others don’t? Crain’s New York has the news here:
The Harlem bank raises $55 million from an investment group that includes titans Goldman Sachs Group Inc and Morgan Stanley; feds had ordered the cash infusion to save the institution.
Carver Federal Savings, the nation’s largest bank founded and run by African-Americans, has staved off possible collapse by raising $55 million in fresh capital.
The investors include Goldman Sachs Group Inc. and Morgan Stanley, which have agreed to invest $15 million each, while Citigroup Inc. and Prudential Financial have agreed to put in $10 million, according to an announcement from Carver’s parent, Carver Bancorp. American Express and three other firms are investing smaller amounts. Chief Executive Deborah Wright, who has led the bank since 1999, will remain at her post.
“I haven’t had a day this good in some time,” said a relieved Ms. Wright, who added she was “terribly grateful” for the financial community’s vote of confidence in her bank. “We have a lot of hard work ahead.”
The Harlem-based bank was ordered by federal regulators earlier this year to raise additional cash as it staggered under a hefty load of delinquent real estate loans. Under Ms. Wright’s leadership, the bank had moved from its traditional business of lending to one- to- four-family homes and into larger commercial real estate projects. That strategy backfired when the real estate market hit the skids and mortgages for low-income borrowers dried up.
Earlier this year, 12.3% of the bank’s loan portfolio was more than 90 days delinquent. The industry average is 4.9%, according to Federal Deposit Insurance Corp. data. In addition, although $74 million of its loans were well overdue, Carver had just $21 million in reserves to cover loan losses.
In February, the U.S. Office of Thrift Supervision ordered Carver to raise additional capital by the end of April or face being seized and sold to another institution—or simply dissolved. The amount Carver raised exceeds the amount demanded by regulators, Ms. Wright said.
Last month, the bank named a new chief financial officer—its fourth in the past three years—and said it hired an recruiter to find a new president and chief operating officer who would oversee lending, retail, marketing and human resources. Ms. Wright said the new executive would allow her to devote the bulk of her time to drumming up new business, adding that Carver will soon step up its marketing.
The Harlem business community galvanized to help rescue Carver, a fixture of the city since 1948. Lloyd Williams, CEO of the Greater Harlem Chamber of Commerce, said a private breakfast was held in late April at Sylvia’s Restaurant in which Ms. Wright and senior Carver officials met with former state Comptroller Carl McCall, former city Comptroller Bill Thompson, U.S. Rep. Charles Rangel and other Harlem business and political leaders to discuss ways to turn around Carver.
“It is exciting, and the community is now stepping up to the plate,” Mr. Williams said shortly after that meeting, “because they have been asked to do so in a meaningful manner.”
by | ARTICLES, GOVERNMENT, NEW YORK, TAXES
Catching up on articles over at the WSJ, I came across this gem last month from Barbara Martinez. It describes how the teachers unions in NY are suing again to stop the closure of failing schools. This article illustrates the power of the teachers unions and the powerlessness of the taxpayers, who continue to subsidize failure and are asked to continue to shoulder the burden of educational costs. The article is reposted below.
The fate of tens of thousands of students was thrown into question Wednesday after the United Federation of Teachers and the NAACP sued to block the city’s plans to shut down 22 failing schools, a move that threatened to derail a major Bloomberg education initiative for a second year in a row.
The lawsuit echoes another the UFT filed last year that successfully halted the administration’s plans to close 19 schools. Two courts sided with the UFT last year. The lawsuit goes to the heart of a national philosophical divide about failing schools. In general, teachers unions believe that districts have an obligation to fix schools, while others, like Mayor Michael Bloomberg, hold that some schools are so troubled that the only choice is to shut them down and replace them with potentially better schools.
At a press conference, schools Chancellor Dennis Walcott blasted the lawsuit as “outrageous” and said the action will “hold hostage” thousands of students who are set to attend certain schools.
“Students now have to wait and wonder” whether they can attend the school they chose or were assigned to, Mr. Walcott said. “It’s unacceptable, and we’re not going to tolerate that. We’re going to fight. Right now the UFT and the NAACP are denying our students quality options.”
About 70,000 students have already been matched to city high schools, and thousands more have gone through the charter lottery process to determine their schools.
Hours earlier, Michael Mulgrew, the UFT’s president, said at a press conference that the DOE “has not learned its lesson.” He said the lawsuit is based on the DOE’s failure to satisfy an agreement it reached with the UFT to support failing schools before deciding to close them. The suit also charges that charter schools are getting better access to facilities than the traditional schools in the same buildings, which would be contrary to state law that mandates equal treatment among schools.
Those on the side of the teachers union, which includes a number of City Council members who attended the UFT press conference, community advocates and parents, said the city’s process of phasing out schools one grade at a time is disruptive to the students that are left behind. In addition, the lawsuit charges that charter schools that are placed in traditional school buildings get better access to amenities such as libraries, cafeterias and gyms.
Mr. Mulgrew said that after losing the legal fight to close schools last year, the DOE agreed to support the failing schools with more staff and other assistance, but he said that never materialized.
The DOE “is depriving students of tools and resources to achieve academically,” said Ken Cohen, regional director of the New York State Conference of the NAACP. Mr. Cohen said that at Jamaica High School, for instance, the new schools have smart boards while the students at the school being phased out have “broken blackboards.”
Mr. Walcott rejected all of the lawsuit’s allegations, saying the motivation was to protect jobs, not students. He said he was particularly disappointed in the role that the NAACP has played in the new lawsuit and last year’s, saying the group “is defending schools that are failing our children.”
Mr. Walcott cited the performance numbers of the schools on the closure list. For the elementary and middle schools, he said average English-language proficiency is 16%, compared to 42% citywide. In math, it is 19% versus 53%. The average graduation rate of the closing high schools is 49%, compared with the city’s average of 63%, the DOE said.
“These figures are not something to brag about,” Mr. Walcott said. “They should be with us,” he said, referring to the union.
Write to Barbara Martinez at Barbara.Martinez@wsj.com